Owodo
31st Ogiso, Monarch of Igodomigodo
Ogiso of Igodomigodo
Reignc. 1125 – c. 1130
Coronationc. 1125
PredecessorArigho
SuccessorVacant[a]
Diedc. 1133
Ihinmwirin, Igodomigodo
Spouses
Ometo
(m. 1099)
[b]
  • Esagho
  • (five others)
IssueIkaladerhan (only son)
HouseOhuede dynasty
FatherArigho
ReligionTraditional Edo religion

Owodo (r. 1125–1130, d.c. 1133) was the thirty-first Ogiso ('King') of the pre-imperial Benin kingdom of Igodomigodo and the last ruler of the Ohuede dynasty, succeeding his father, Arigho. His rule began during recovery from a prolonged famine but was dominated by palace factionalism, disruptive attacks from Osoganlegendary creatures in oral tradition said to menace the OkedoEkiogiso trade route—and a high-profile domestic scandal that led to the exile (and, in some accounts, the attempted execution) of his son Ikaladerhan. Conflict with the Edionnisen ('Great Nobles') and public outrage after Owodo struck and killed a noble's pregnant widow, an act considered Kirikuvua under the kingdom's law and punishable by deposition, prompted an emergency council meeting to declare him unfit to rule. He was deposed and exiled to Ihinmwirin, where he died in obscurity three years later. His removal ended the Ohuede dynasty and the Ogiso era. It paved the way for the arrival of Prince Oranmiyan from Ile-Ife and the establishment of the Oba monarchy by Oranmiyan's son, Eweka I.

Much of the information on Owodo derives from the self-published books of Osarẹn Ọmọregie, whose work, based on claimed oral traditions, has been criticised for lacking verifiable sources and historical methodology, but is influential among Edo historians.

Problems of historical reliability

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The Ogiso once occupied the immemorial position of myth and legend.[3] A historical account on the Ogiso has been reconstructed and self-published by Osarẹn Ọmọregie, a former history teacher and government official, who reportedly obtained oral traditions from the last surviving member of the Ughoron (supposedly the Ogiso's court historians).[4] Anthropologist Joseph Nevadomsky strongly criticised Omoregie's work as "somewhere in between mythic and make-believe", saying that there is "no referencing, bibliography, source interviews, or historical methodology".[5] On the Ughoron, he said that there is no oral evidence, palace evidence, nor family history of them, describing Omoregie's later claim of descent from the Ughoron as "narrative conceit professed by a self-actuated savant".[6] One particular flashpoint has been his version of the Ikaladerhan narrative on the founding of the Eweka dynasty, which has been strongly criticised by various Yoruba and non-Yoruba scholars, yet remains favoured by Edo historians and received support from the late Oba of Benin Erediauwa.[7] Scholars such as Philip Igbafe and Dmitri Bondarenko have used Omoregie's work,[8] although Bondarenko lamented the scarcity of sources on the Ogiso.[9] Osarhieme Osadolor writes that local historians such as Omoregie tend to have greater collections of historical materials than some scholars, and that their work can serve as useful sources themselves as representations of a community's views on certain traditions and direct historical inquiry. Omoregie's work has gained acceptance and popularity in Edo society, with Osadolor saying it fosters "a strong sense of local identity" among the Edo people.[10]

Early life and background

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Bronze statue depicting Ikhaladerhan, son of Ogiso Owodo
Bronze statue depicting Ikhaladerhan, son of Ogiso Owodo

Owodo was born into the royal lineage of the Ogiso monarchy in Igodomigodo (now Benin Kingdom).[c] His father, Arigho, was the thirtieth Ogiso ('king') of Igodomigodo, ruling from about 1121 until his death around 1125.[12] During his four-year reign, Arigho introduced a controversial financial policy known as Igho Arigho ('Arigho's money'), a "double payment" levy intended to reduce currency in circulation and restore the royal treasury; the measure was enforced by royal officials and aimed to stabilise prices and encourage direct production.[13] The reforms increased royal revenues and helped reduce inflation, but also placed burdens on lower-status households and contributed to social tensions with nobles and merchants.[14] Arigho's reign was also marked by the continuing Osogan attacks—according to legend, a man-eating being that disrupted trade routes and market activity—which compounded the kingdom's difficulties even as some aspects of the economy began to recover.[15]

Before his ascension, Arigho was a trader whose fortunes grew from supplying items such as camwood beads, hard-nut beads, and cowries.[16] Owodo and his brothers trained in the bead-making profession under their father;[16] Ogiso Ehenneden recognised Owodo's work and arranged his marriage to his niece, Ometo, the daughter of Idiado, a hair-plaiter, and she became Owodo's wife as a ceremonial "gift". The couple's son, Ikaladerhan, was born in 1102, the third year of their marriage.[16] Owodo was not expected to inherit the throne as he had six elder brothers, however, their successive deaths moved him forward in line.[17] As the only surviving son of Arigho, Owodo was then chosen by the Edionnisen ('Great Nobles')[d] as his successor.[18]

Reign

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In 1125 AD, Owodo succeeded his father, Ogiso Arigho, as ruler of Igodomigodo.[2] His accession took place under the authority of the Edionnisen, the kingdom's kingmakers. At Owodo's coronation around 1125, Ometo remained his only wife, and Ikaladerhan his only son.[2] In establishing a traditional royal harem, Owodo expanded his household by marrying six additional wives. As they were primarily the widows of his deceased brothers, eighteen stepchildren were brought into the palace, contributing to internal rivalries.[19] Among these new wives was Esagho, who later played a prominent role in palace affairs.[20] At the time of his succession, the state was experiencing political and economic difficulties.[21] Early in his reign, there were improved harvests, lower market prices, and indications of economic recovery.[22]

Modern historians note four main challenges during Owodo's rule: the re-emergence of Senior Noble influence, threats from the legendary Osogan along the Okedo route, tensions within the royal household, and issues attributed to the king's decision-making approach.[23]

Following the end of a famine, the Edionnisen requested access to the wealth stored in the royal treasury known as the seven uye deeps, left by Arigho.[24] The nobles stated that the funds were needed to restore their traditional expenditures and social standing. Owodo declined, citing his father's instruction that the reserve be used only for Ughoron needs and other approved royal purposes.[25][e] This led to continuing tension between the monarchy and prominent noble families.[25]

The trade route from Okedo to the Ekiogiso ('Ogiso market', later Agbado market)[f] was affected by the presence of the Osogan, described in oral tradition as legendary man-eating monsters that impeded trade and travel.[26] A divination commissioned by Owodo advised a ritual involving seven days of human sacrifice, with each day requiring a male child from a noble family. The nobles refused and began avoiding the palace.[27]

One Senior Noble, Evian, volunteered to deal with the Osogan. Skilled as an ironsmith, leatherworker, hunter, and Ogun priest, and with previous service in the Royal Council, he created a heated iron club (Umomo) attached to a handle.[28] He confronted the creature at Okedo at its expected time, struck it in the throat, after which it disappeared and, according to oral tradition, was not seen again.[29] This outcome removed the need for the proposed sacrifice and increased Evian's reputation among the populace and nobility.[29]

Within the palace, the wives' rank corresponded to the age of their eldest sons. As Ikaladerhan—son of Ometo—was the youngest, Ometo was deemed the "least-placed wife" (Arukho).[30] Esagho, whom Owodo ranked first after inheriting her from his late brother Agbonze, held influence within the palace.[31]

Fall and end of the monarchy

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Owodo's reign was affected by a series of political, economic, and domestic challenges.[32] His difficulties in balancing power among the monarchy, the Edionnisen, and the royal council contributed to a decline in his authority.[33]

Simultaneously, domestic discord within the palace intensified. Due to concerns over his lack of biological children, many of Owodo's wives urged him to consult the oracle.[20] His senior wife, Esagho, was sent alone to seek the oracle's verdict; in A Short History of Benin (4th ed.), the historian Jacob Egharevba maintains that Esagho provided a fabricated prophecy that shifted the blame for the infertility from herself to Owodo's only son, Ikaladerhan.[20] Under her influence, the other wives joined in urging Owodo to sacrifice Ikaladerhan; ultimately, instead of executing him, Owodo exiled his son and the child's mother, Ometo, from the city, leaving the kingdom without a clear heir.[20] Osarẹn Ọmọregie, however, asserts that Ikaladerhan was not executed because the royal executioners, reportedly moved by pity, spared his life and advised him to avoid the palace during his father's reign.[34] He eventually found refuge in Ughoton, where local elders provided him shelter before he fled further.[35]

The situation further escalated with the reported assassination of Ogbeifun of Ukhegie, a Senior Noble and a relative of Oliha, head of the Edionnisen.[36] According to modern historians, Ogbeifun, who criticised Owodo's regime, was murdered on a pathway between Uhunmwidunmwu and Errie shortly after a council meeting, prompting public outrage.[36] Many suspected that Owodo was involved in orchestrating the killing to suppress dissent;[37] following this incident, Ogbeifun's pregnant widow, Ehiosu, confronted him at the palace gates demanding justice, and her public outburst attracted sympathy among some nobles.[38] Subsequently, Owodo struck Ehiosu, killing her.[39] Under Benin law, the killing of a pregnant woman was deemed Kirikuvua, an offence warranting deposition or severe penalty.[37]

An emergency council of the Edionnisen convened to determine Owodo's fate and declared him unfit to rule, issuing a formal deposition order.[40][39] A curse was additionally pronounced on anyone who might attempt to reinstate him, aiming to ensure his permanent removal from power. Without sufficient support, Owodo left the palace and went into exile at Ihinmwirin, a small village in Igodomigodo, where he lived in isolation until his death in 1133 AD.[40][39]

Owodo's deposition is regarded as marking the collapse of the Ogiso monarchy.[37] The historian Osarẹn Ọmọregie asserts that after Owodo's exile, the Edionnisen attempted to locate Ikaladerhan, but legal constraints prevented the search while the legitimate heir was alive. Since they could not find Ikaladerhan to enthrone, the Ohuede dynasty subsequently ended.[34] During this period, two commoners, Ogiamien and Evian, temporarily assumed governance, but neither restored the full authority of the monarchy.[41] Ultimately, the nobles looked to the kingdom of Ile-Ife for a new ruler; this led to the arrival of Prince Oranmiyan, who fathered Eweka I, the first Oba of Benin.[42] This transition is considered to have definitively ended the Ogiso period and initiated the Oba dynasty, a lineage that continues to this day.[43]

Legacy and historiography

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Historian Victor Aiguobarueghian contends that Owodo's reign was affected by his significant political errors and a tendency to rely on advice from his wives rather than his chiefs, which culminated in a controversial decree regarding Ikaladerhan.[21] This decision was strongly criticised by the Edionnisen, who considered it contrary to tradition and to their authority.[21] Scholars Peter Roese and Dmitri Bondarenko characterise the ensuing crisis as the culmination of a long-standing power struggle between the monarchy and the nobility, further affected by Owodo's autocratic style and limited consultation with his chiefs.[33] Some nobles viewed his rule as indicative of broader political challenges that contributed to the collapse of the Ogiso monarchy.[33]

It is unclear whether Owodo's reign was the principal factor in the dynasty's disintegration or simply the final catalyst in a long process of decline.[33] Osarẹn Ọmọregie, in Great Benin 4: The Age of Ogiso Reform (1050–1130 AD), contends that Owodo's decision to dismiss the advice of the Edionnisen and to exile his designated heir contributed to conflicts with the nobles, who viewed the act as undermining the authority of the monarchy.[32]

A central point of discussion in Owodo's legacy is the fate of his son, Ikaladerhan, and its relation to the emergence of the Oba dynasty. Rigorous historiography and early traditions showed that the Benin institution of kingship was founded by a foreign Yoruba prince, Oranmiyan, and his group of followers from Ile-Ife.[44][45][46][47] Anthropologist Robert Elwyn Bradbury noted that in contrast to other Yoruba kingdoms that take pride in an Ife kingship origin, the Edo population have recently tempered such origins with culturally self-sufficient traditions.[48] Historian Gabriel Akindele Akinola likewise observed a change in the Ikaladerhan tradition, where in some newer versions—first published in the 70s by Omoregie—rather than dying at Ughoton, Ikaladerhan supposedly found his way to Ile-Ife, where he eventually became known as either Oranmiyan or Oduduwa, King of Ife.[49] These claims of an Edo origin for both the Benin and Ife kingships,[50] [51] have come under scrutiny from scholars such as Bondarenko, who described these new traditions as unpopular, inauthentic works whose authors are "representatives of the nationalistically-minded part of the Bini intelligentsia who are seeking to ground the idea of an exceptional antiquity for their people and claims for its exclusive part in the socio-political life of independent Nigeria".[52] Nonetheless, it is widely accepted that Oranmiyan fathered Eweka I, the first Oba ('king') of Benin, and that the Oba era emerged following the collapse of the Ogiso era.[43]

Oral and cultural traditions

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Owodo's legacy is preserved in Edo oral tradition through songs and proverbs that recount episodes from his reign and its consequences.[53] An Edo song recounting the exile of Ikaladerhan is recorded as follows:

Ede Ikaladerhan
Ede ne a khuu Ikaladerhan,
Ame genne mai filo
Oven wenne mai yunmwu
Ahianmwe okpa mai tin vbe iso
Ede sunsuun vbene o khie,
Vben e o rhue ne o yoa khon.[53]

Translation:
English

Ikaladerhan Day
On Ikaladerhan's exile day
Not a drop of rain did fall
Not a flash of sunlight shone
Not a twitter of birds in the air
The day was dull with grieving
As if it was set avenging.[53]

This song reflects the sorrow recorded in oral tradition over the events associated with Owodo's decisions.[53] Furthermore, proverbs such as Ogiso ma min emwen e fi agba ('Ogiso never convened a meeting except in times of trouble and crisis') have been interpreted as criticisms of his governance and his difficulties in maintaining control over his household.[20]

Notes

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  1. ^ Deposed; succeeded in power by an interim period leading to Evian's rule as administrator.[1]
  2. ^ Also commonly called Arukho, meaning the least-placed wife.[2]
  3. ^ The Kingdom of Benin no longer exists as a governing entity, but the Oba of Benin still rules a tribal kingdom and holds an advisory role in the government of Benin City, Nigeria.[11]
  4. ^ Council of nobles responsible for selecting the next Ogiso
  5. ^ The Ughoron are the royal bards and artists of the kingdom
  6. ^ Agbado market is situated in Aviama, a traditional village in the centre of Benin City close to Ramat Park.

References

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Citations

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  1. ^ Erediauwa 2004, p. 207.
  2. ^ a b c Ọmọregie 1997b, p. 15.
  3. ^ Gehler & Rollinger 2022, p. 430.
  4. ^ Usuanlele 2016, pp. 147–148.
  5. ^ Nevadomsky 2017, p. 88.
  6. ^ Nevadomsky 2017, pp. 88–89.
  7. ^ Osadolor 2002, pp. 118, 128.
  8. ^ Nevadomsky 2017.
  9. ^ Bondarenko & Roese 2004, p. 103.
  10. ^ Osadolor 2002, pp. 128, 131–132.
  11. ^ Parks 2023.
  12. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 94.
  13. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 97–98.
  14. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 97–101.
  15. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 98–100.
  16. ^ a b c Ọmọregie 1997b, p. 13.
  17. ^ Ọmọregie 1997b, p. 14.
  18. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 101.
  19. ^ Ọmọregie 1997b, pp. 15–16.
  20. ^ a b c d e Egharevba 1968, p. 2.
  21. ^ a b c Aiguobarueghian 2020, p. 396.
  22. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 104.
  23. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 105–106.
  24. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 106.
  25. ^ a b Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 106–107.
  26. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 107–109.
  27. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 108.
  28. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 109–110.
  29. ^ a b Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 110–111.
  30. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 104–105.
  31. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, pp. 111–112.
  32. ^ a b Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 115.
  33. ^ a b c d Roese & Bondarenko 2003, p. 52.
  34. ^ a b Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 119.
  35. ^ Erediauwa 2004, p. 208.
  36. ^ a b Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 116.
  37. ^ a b c Aiguobarueghian 2020, p. 397.
  38. ^ Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 117.
  39. ^ a b c Egharevba 1968, p. 3.
  40. ^ a b Ọmọregie 1997a, p. 118.
  41. ^ Irabor & Uduiguome 1996, p. 1.
  42. ^ Irabor & Uduiguome 1996, p. 2.
  43. ^ a b Erediauwa 2004, p. 210.
  44. ^ Bondarenko 2003, p. 71.
  45. ^ Bradbury & Morton-Williams 1973, p. 8.
  46. ^ Egharevba 1968, p. 6.
  47. ^ Akinola 1976, p. 21.
  48. ^ Bradbury & Morton-Williams 1973, p. 8-9.
  49. ^ Akinola 1976, p. 22.
  50. ^ Akinola 1976, p. 26.
  51. ^ Irabor & Uduiguome 1996, pp. 3.
  52. ^ Bondarenko 2003, p. 68.
  53. ^ a b c d Ọmọregie 1997b, p. 21.

Works cited

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